"This volume explores how emergent patterns of complex syntax - that is, syntactic structures beyond a simple clause - relate to the local contingencies of action formation in social interaction. It examines both the on-line emergence of clause-combining patterns as they are 'patched together' on the fly, as well as their routinization and sedimentation into new grammatical patterns across a range of languages - English, Estonian, Finnish, French, German, Hebrew, Italian, Mandarin, and Swedish. The chapters investigate how the real-time organization of complex syntax relates to the unfolding of turns and actions, focusing on: (i) how complex syntactic patterns, or routinized fragments of 'canonical' patterns, serve as resources for projection, (ii) how complex syntactic patterns emerge incrementally, moment-by-moment, out of the real-time trajectories of action, (iii) how formal variants of such patterns relate to social action, and (iv) how all of these play out within the multimodal ecologies of action formation. The empirical findings presented in this volume lend support to a conception of complex syntax as fundamentally temporal, emergent, dialogic, sensitive to local interactional contingencies, and interwoven with other semiotic resources"--.

• Emergent Syntax for Conversation
• Editorial page
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Table of contents
• 1. Complex syntax-in-interaction: Emergent and emerging clause-combining patterns for organizing social actions
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Complex syntax-in-interaction
  • 3. Purpose and structure of the volume
    • i. Emerging projecting constructions
    • ii. Locally emergent clause-combining patterns
  • References
• Part I. Emerging projecting constructions
• 2. ‘Nel senso (che)’ in Italian conversation: Turn-taking, turn-maintaining and turn-yielding
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Previous studies
  • 3. Data and method
  • 4. Turn-initial ‘nel senso (che)’ in responsive actions
  • 5. ‘Nel senso (che)’ and turn-construction
    • 5.1 Turn-extensions after other-speaker’s talk
    • 5.2 Turns-in-progress
      • 5.2.1 Elaborating on a previous action
      • 5.2.2 Initiating a new action
    • 5.3 Self-repair
  • 6. Turn-yielding
  • 7. Discussion and conclusion
  • References
• 3. The emergence and routinization of complex syntactic patterns formed with ‘ajatella’ ‘think’ and ‘tietää’ ‘know’ in Finnish talk-in-interaction
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data and methodology
  • 3. Complex syntactic patterns formed with ‘ajatella’ ‘think’ and ‘tietää’ ‘know’
    • 3.1 Morphosyntactic profiles
    • 3.2 ‘Ajatella’ ‘think’
    • 3.3 ‘Tietää’ ‘know’
  • 4. Discussion: Comparison and implications
  • 5. Conclusions
  • Data source
  • References
• 4. The insubordinate – subordinate continuum: Prosody, embodied action, and the emergence of Hebrew complex syntax
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data and overview
  • 3. Evaluative insubordinate ‘she-’clauses
  • 4. Elaborative insubordinate ‘she-’clauses
    • 4.1 Elaborative insubordinate ‘she’-clauses in non-appeal intonation contours
      • 4.1.1 Elaborating an NP
      • 4.1.2 Elaborating a clause
      • 4.1.3 Elaborating a gesture
    • 4.2 Elaborative ‘she’-clauses in appeal intonation
      • 4.2.1 Requesting elaboration
      • 4.2.1 Requesting confirmation of candidate elaborations
  • 5. Discussion and conclusion
  • References
  • Appendix. Transcription and glossing conventions
• 5. Emergent patterns of predicative clauses in spoken Hebrew discourse: The ‘ha'emet (hi) she-’ ‘the truth (is) that’ construction
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data
  • 3. Analysis
    • 3.1 Structural analysis – The ‘ha'emet (hi) she-’ construction as a discourse marker
    • 3.2 Functional analysis
      • 3.2.1 Expressing the speaker’s opinion, stance or evaluation
      • 3.2.2 Setting the record straight regarding the speaker’s personal world
      • 3.2.3 Revealing personal, sensitive or delicate information
  • 4. Discussion
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
• 6. From matrix clause to turn expansion: The emergence of ‘wo juede’ ‘I feel/think’ in Mandarin conversational interaction
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data
  • 3. Subjective use of ‘wo juede’
    • 3.1 Evaluative use
    • 3.2 Epistemic use
  • 4. Intersubjective use of ‘wo juede’
  • 5. ‘Wo juede’ and turn expansion
    • 5.1 Prosodically integrated ‘wo juede’
    • 5.2 Prosodically independent ‘wo juede’
  • 6. Discussion
    • 6.1 Functional distribution
    • 6.2 Explaining the link between multiple functions
    • 6.3 Pathways of the emergence of the extended uses
  • 7. Conclusions
  • References
• Part II. Locally emergent clause-combining patterns
• 7. Practices of clause-combining: From complex ‘wenn-’constructions to insubordinate (‘stand-alone’) conditionals in everyday spoken German
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. ‘Wenn’-constructions in everyday German interactions
    • 2.1 Syntactic integration of the pre-positioned ‘wenn-’clause and the following main clause
    • 2.2 Syntactic (and prosodic) non-integration of the pre-positioned ‘wenn-’clause and the following main clause
      • 2.2.1 Non-integrated constructions which are convertible into integrative word order
      • 2.2.2 Non-integrated constructions which are not convertible into integrative word order
    • 2.3 Co-constructed ‘wenn-’constructions
    • 2.4 Beyond biclausal sentence patterns: ‘Wenn’-constructions comprised of longer discourse units
      • 2.4.1 Incrementally expanded ‘wenn-’units, spreading over several TCUs
      • 2.4.2 Wenn-clauses followed by a longer sequence of talk:
    • 2.5 Stand-alone ‘wenn-’constructions
      • 2.5.1 Wishes and requests
      • 2.5.2 Warnings/threats:
      • 2.5.3 Exclamations and expressions of stances and assessments:
  • 3. Conclusion
  • Literature
• 8. Grammatical coordination of embodied action: The Estonian ‘ja’ ‘and’ as a temporal organizer of Pilates moves
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The data
  • 3. Coordinating consecutive clauses and moves
  • 4. Clausal units and the organization of the activity: ‘Ja’-clauses launching the termination of an exercise
  • 5. ‘Ja’-prefacing and transition to the next sequence of similar exercise moves
  • 6. ‘Ja’ as a device of cross-modal synchronization and a starting signal
  • 7. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• 9. Consecutive clause combinations in instructing activities: Directives and accounts in the context of physical training
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Instruction as an interactionally emerging phenomenon
  • 3. Data and collection
  • 4. Overview of the instruction formats
  • 5. Analysis of instruction sequences
    • 5.1 Preparatory instructions: Demonstration by trainer
    • 5.2 Preparatory instructions: Client involved in trainer’s demonstration
    • 5.3 Corrective instructions: Trainer intervenes in client’s performance
    • 5.4 Summary: On projection, expansion and prosody
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
• 10. Right-dislocated complement clauses in German talk-in-interaction: (Re-)specifying propositional referents of the demonstrative pronoun ‘das’
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Right dislocation in German
    • 2.1 General properties of the construction [[NP V ‘das’i] [‘dass’ NP VP]i]
    • 2.2 Right dislocation in the literature
  • 3. Data
  • 4. Uses of the right dislocation construction
    • 4.1 Co-reference with (parts of) a prior turn
    • 4.2 Co-reference with prior parts of the same turn
    • 4.3 Co-constructed uses: Referential self-repair and understanding-check
  • 5. Discussion
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
• 11. Relative-clause increments and the management of reference: A multimodal analysis of French talk-in-interaction
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Relative clauses and increments
    • 2.1 Relative clauses
    • 2.2 Relative clauses as increments
  • 3. Data
  • 4. RCs as self-increments – I: A resource for doing referential repair
  • 5. RCs as self-increments – II: A resource for doing referential elaboration
  • 6. Discussion
  • 7. Conclusion
  • References
• 12. Afterword
  • References
• Index