This volume contains selected papers from the Thirtieth Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics that was held at Stony Brook University in 2016, as well as two articles that are based on papers presented at the Thirty-First Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics, held at the University of Oklahoma in 2017. The chapters are theoretical and experimental explorations of a variety of linguistic topics and engage ideas ranging over three broad areas of research: phonetics and phonology, syntax, and experimental and computational linguistics. They deal with Classical and Modern Standard Arabic as well as a variety of dialects, including Iraqi, Egyptian, Moroccan, and Syrian Arabic.

• Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics XXX
• Editorial page
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Table of contents
• Acknowledgments
• Introduction
• Part I. Phonetics and phonology
• How to delete
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. About Harmonic Serialism
  • 3. Deletion as gradual reduction: An example
  • 4. Discussion
  • 5. Structure and deletability
  • 6. Deletion of fuller segments implies deletion of more reduced segments
  • 7. Every deletion context is also a reduction context
  • 8. Consequence: Segments have internal structure
  • 9. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• Are there transfer effects in the Arabic comparative?
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The Arabic broken plural and transfer effects
  • 3. The Arabic comparative and the lack of transfer effects
    • 3.1 The comparative template
    • 3.2 Evidence against transfer effects in the Arabic comparative
    • 3.3 Possible marginal instances of transfer effects in the comparative
      • 3.3.1 The comparative of [gidiid] ‘new’/‘recent’
      • 3.3.2 Comparatives of forms with four root consonants in southern Levantine Arabic
  • 4. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Gemination in Rural Jordanian Arabic
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. An overview of Jordanian Arabic dialects
  • 3. Acoustic correlates of gemination
    • Consonant duration
    • Vowel duration
  • 4. Methods
    • Participants
    • Data
    • Acoustic analysis
  • 5. Results
    • Word-medial consonants
    • Preceding short vowel duration
    • Following short vowel duration
    • Following long vowel duration
    • Word-final consonants
    • Preceding short vowel duration
    • Preceding long vowel duration
  • 6. Discussion
  • 7. Conclusion
  • References
    • Appendix A. Short vowels-medial (cvCCvc) & (cvCvc)
• Part II. Syntax
• On complex adjectival phrases in Standard Arabic
  • 1. Presenting three puzzles
    • 1.1 Pleonastic definiteness
    • 1.2 Required resumption
    • 1.3 Case and agreement misalignment
  • 2. Resolving the puzzles
    • 2.1 Accounting for pleonastic definiteness
    • 2.2 Accounting for required resumption
    • 2.3 Accounting for case and agreement misalignment
  • 3. Deriving CG and AG
  • 4. Extending the analysis to transitive predicates
  • References
• The syntax of negative coordination in Jordanian Arabic
  • 1. Introduction and empirical generalizations
  • 2. Theoretical issues
  • 3. Empirical contrasts between ‘wa-’ and ‘wala’
  • 4. Analysis of negative coordination by ‘wala’
    • Status and locus of ‘laa’
    • Status and locus of ‘wala’ as an NCI and disjunction operator
    • Ellipsis
    • Negative coordination and first conjunct agreement
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• ‘Huwwa’
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Iraqi Arabic constructions with ‘huwwa’
    • Wh-Questions
    • Verbless equational clauses
  • 3. The syntactic status of PRON ‘huwwa’
  • 4. ‘huwwa’ as a focus operator
  • 5. Yes/no questions
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
• Syntactic parallels between verbal and nominal φ-morphology in Classical Arabic
  • 1. Parallels between the clausal and the nominal domain
  • 2. Parallel 1: Identical φ-morphs and allomorphy
    • 2.1 Gender morphs
    • 2.2 (Sound) Plural Morph: μ
    • 2.3 Person morphs
    • 2.4 Allomorphy
    • 2.5 Summary: Same morphs and allomorphy
  • 3. Parallel 2: Morpheme Order
    • 3.1 Deriving morpheme order in the nominal domain
    • 3.2 Deriving morpheme order in the clausal domain
  • 4. Parallel 3: Third person exceptionality
    • 4.1 Nominal domain
    • 4.2 The verbal/clausal domain
      • 4.2.1 Some φ-morphemes are clitics, some are agreement markers
      • 4.2.2 Imperfective third person /j-/ is neither
    • 4.3 Summary
  • 5. Summary
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Part III. Experimental and computational linguistics
• Resumption ameliorates different islands differentially
  • 1. Introduction
    • 1.1 The grammatical status of resumption
    • 1.2 Resumption and Island amelioration
    • 1.3 The present study
      • 1.3.1 Methodology
  • 2. Experiment 1
    • 2.1 Participants
    • 2.2 Materials & design
    • 2.3 Procedure
    • 2.4 Analysis & predictions
    • 2.5 Results
      • 2.5.1 ‘whether’ islands
      • 2.5.2 Adjunct islands
      • 2.5.3 CNPC violations
    • 2.6 Discussion
  • 3. Experiment 2
    • 3.1 Participants
    • 3.2 Materials & design
    • 3.3 Procedure
    • 3.4 Analysis & predictions
    • 3.5 Results
      • 3.5.1 ‘whether’ islands
      • 3.5.2 Adjunct islands
      • 3.5.3 CNPC violations
    • 3.6 Discussion
  • 4. General discussion
    • 4.1 Differences within differences
    • 4.2 Islands in MSA
    • 4.3 The grammaticality of resumption and gapping
    • 4.4 Amelioration in islands
    • 4.5 Conclusions
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• A probabilistic approach to stress assignment in Arabic
  • Introduction
  • Method
    • The training data
    • From dictionary entries into frequency distributions
    • From frequency distributions to a probabilistic language model
    • From a probabilistic language model to acquisition simulation
  • Results
  • Discussion
  • References
• Subject index