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Table of Contents
- Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 15
- Editorial page
- Title page
- Copyright page
- Table of contents
- Introduction
- Part I. Sentence types and structures in Romance
- 1. Against V2 as a general property of Old Romance languages
- 1. A test for verb-secondness: Non topic items (‘NTIs’)
- 2. Word order: Verb movement, object movement, clitic placement
- 2.1 Common features of Old Portuguese and contemporary European Portuguese: V-to-T; proclisis and enclisis in finite clauses; Clitic Left Dislocation; topic precedes focus
- 2.2 Particular features of Old Portuguese: Middle object scrambling (SOV); discontinuity between clitic and verb (CL-XP-V)
- 3. NTIs identify V > 2 root clauses that cannot be derived by a V2 grammar
- 4. A disconfirmed generalization (Benincà 2006)
- 5. Beyond Old Portuguese
- 6. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Sources of the data
- References
- 2. Portuguese as a heritage language in contact with German and French: A comparative study on the acquisition of verbal mood
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Mood selection in complement clauses
- 2.1 European Portuguese
- 2.2 French
- 2.3 German
- 3. Previous studies on the acquisition of mood by monolingual and bilingual speakers
- 4. The present study
- 4.1 Research question
- 4.2 Participants
- 4.3 Method
- 5. Results
- 6. Discussion and concluding remarks
- References
- 3. Negative Concord and sentential negation in Gallo
- 1. Introduction
- 2. From Standard French to Gallo
- 2.1 Negative Concord (NC) and Double Negation (DN) in Standard French (SF)
- 2.2 Negative Concord (NC) and Double Negation (DN) in Gallo
- 3. Evaluation of previous analyses of NC/DN readings
- 3.1 Déprez (2003, 2016): n-words as NPIs
- 3.2 Zeijlstra’s (2004, 2010) syntactic approach
- 3.3 Déprez (1999) and De Swart & Sag (2002): Resumptive quantification
- 4. Our approach to NC: On the status of sentential NEG.
- 4.1 Building on Muller (1991, 2010)
- 4.2 ‘Pâ/pouin’ as a semi-negation in Gallo
- 4.3 Implementation through Zeijlstra (2004)?
- 5. Microvariation in Gallo
- 5.1 Gallo as a non-strict NC language
- 5.2 Intra-/Inter-individual variation
- 5.3 How to analyze microvariation: Some available options
- 6. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Sources of Gallo data
- Bibliography
- 4. At the crossroads between (semi-)free relatives and indirect questions in French
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Object extraction is not always the same: An experiment
- 2.1 Acceptability judgment task
- 2.2 English free relatives
- 3. Back to French: ‘ce que’
- 4. The ‘ce que’ contruction: Towards an incorporation
- 4.1 The case of other Romance languages
- 4.2 The nature of ‘que’ in ‘ce que’
- 4.3 Some diachronic facts
- 4.4 Towards an incorporation
- 5. Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 5. Point of view on causal clauses: The case of French ‘parce que’ and ‘puisque’
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Three types of causal clauses
- 2.1 Distinguishing between eventive and evidential causal clauses
- 2.2 Distinguishing between evidential and speech act causal clauses
- 3. Perspectival effects in causal clauses
- 3.1 Perspective in ‘parce que’-clauses
- 3.2 Perspective in ‘puisque’-clauses
- 3.3 Analysis
- 4. Causal clauses in attitude contexts
- 4.1 Embedded ‘parce que’-clauses
- 4.2 Embedded ‘puisque’-clauses
- 5. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 6. Historical pragmatics, explicit activation and ‘wh in situ’ in French
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Research context
- 3. The contemporary pragmatics of French ‘wh in situ’
- 4. The historical pragmatics of French ‘wh in situ’
- 5. Concluding discussion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Part II. The prosodic view on sentences in Romance
- 7. Intonation of alternative constructions in French: Which cues allow distinguishing statements from questions?
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Previous studies on the prosody of alternative constructions
- 3. The study
- 3.1 Materials and participants
- 3.2 Method
- 4. Results
- 4.1 Utterance-final contour
- 4.1.1 Phonological analysis
- 4.1.2 Phonetic analysis of the falling contour
- 4.1.3 Interim discussion
- 4.2 Non utterance-final prosodic events
- 4.2.1 Intonational contours at the end of the non-final conjuncts
- 4.2.2 Phrasing: Final lengthening and pausing
- 4.2.3 Prosodic analysis of the matrix verb
- 4.2.4 Interim discussion
- 4.1 Utterance-final contour
- 5. Discussion and phonological analysis
- 5.1 The phrasing hypothesis
- 5.2 The tonal hypothesis
- 6. Conclusion and outlook
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 8. Compression in French: Effect of length and information status on the prosody of post-verbal sequences
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Background on French prosody
- 3. The production experiment
- 3.1 Hypotheses
- Hypothesis 1. Arguments and adjuncts are phrased differently
- Hypothesis 2. Long and short constituents are phrased differently
- Hypothesis 3. Given and new/focused constituents are realized differently
- Hypothesis 4. In French, if a given element is not at least the size of a Φ-phrase, it cannot be compressed
- 3.2 Participants
- 3.3 Materials and procedure
- 3.4 Data treatment & analysis
- Prosodic transcription and measurements
- Statistics
- 3.1 Hypotheses
- 4. Results
- 4.1 Post-verbal constituent
- 4.2 Prosodic length
- 4.3 Information Status
- 5. Discussion and conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 9. Prosody-driven scrambling in Italian
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Prosody-driven scrambling
- Case I (independent phrases)
- Case II (head-complement)
- 3. Detailed analysis
- 3.1 Case I – Independent phrases can scramble
- Input A1
- Input A2
- Input A3
- Input A4
- 3.2 Case II – Complements of overt lexical heads cannot scramble
- Input A1 and A2
- Input A3
- Input A4
- 3.1 Case I – Independent phrases can scramble
- 4. Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Appendix A.
- Part III. On the position and realization of subjects in Romance
- 10. On Romanian preverbal subjects
- 1. Introduction: The status of preverbal subjects in Romanian
- 2. The issue of non-topical preverbal subjects
- 3. Constraints on SV with non-topical S: A prosodic account
- 4. Non-topical preverbal subjects are not ‘Last resorts’
- 5. Conclusions
- References
- Appendix. The corpus research
- 11. Postverbal subject positions in ‘semi-finite’ clauses in Southern Italo-Romance and Sardinian
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Inflected infinitives in Sardinian
- 3. Finite complementation in extreme Southern Italian dialects
- 4. Subjects in semi-finite clauses: An overview
- 5. Analysis
- 5.1 Deriving VOS in Romance
- 5.2 Object shift
- 5.2.1 Ne-extraction
- 5.2.2 Binding
- 5.2.3 Specificity
- 5.2.4 Participle agreement
- 5.2.5 Other problems with object shift account
- 5.3 Right-dislocation
- 5.4 Conclusions
- 6. A note on VSO
- 7. Conclusions and questions for further research
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 12. Teasing apart 3rd person null subjects in Brazilian Portugeuse
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Characteristics of partial pro-drop languages
- 3. Properties of BP null impersonals
- 3.1 The EPP requirement
- 3.2 Existential and generic readings in BP null impersonals
- 4. Properties of existential and generic null impersonals
- 4.1 Existential null impersonals
- 4.2 Generic null impersonals
- 4.3 Summary of the differences between existential and generic null impersonals
- 5. Null indefinites
- 5.1 Diesing’s analysis of indefinites
- 5.2 Null impersonals in BP and Diesing’s typology
- 6. Why two types of pronouns in BP but not in Finnish?
- 7. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 13. From a Romance null subject grammar to a non-null subject grammar: The syntax of pronominal subjects in advanced and near-native English
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Referential and expletive subjects in (non-) null subject languages
- 3. Previous studies on the L2 acquisition of null and non-null subject languages
- 4. The present study
- 4.1 Research questions and predictions
- 4.2 Participants
- 4.3 Experimental design
- 4.4 Data analysis
- 5. Results
- 6. Discussion
- 7. Follow-up study
- 8. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Part IV. Lexical projections and their properties in Romance
- 14. De-prefixed Ps in Medieval French
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Data
- 2.1 Preposition-like properties
- 2.2 Adverb-like properties
- 2.3 Noun-like properties
- 3. Previous relevant analyses
- 3.1 Axial parts
- 3.2 Null place noun
- 4. The analysis of ‘de-’forms in medieval French
- 4.1 The analysis of ‘de’-forms
- 4.2 The reanalysis of ‘de’-forms
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- 15. A typology of evaluative nouns
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The class of evaluative nouns
- 3. Gradability of evaluative nouns
- 3.1 Not all ENs are gradable
- 3.2 Gradable ENs denote extreme degrees of properties
- 4. The expressive component of evaluative nouns
- 4.1 All evaluative nouns include an expressive component
- 4.2 ENs differ with respect to the target of the expressive component
- 5. Subjectivity
- 6. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 16. Nominal and verbal events in Romance causative constructions: Evidence from Italian
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Causative structures and complex predicate formation
- 2.1 Syntactic causatives
- 2.1.1 EN – causatives
- 2.2 Interim summary
- 2.1 Syntactic causatives
- 3. Verbal and nominal events
- 3.1 Event nominalisations in Italian and French
- 3.2 The semantics of (in)direct causation
- 4. An alternant account
- 4.1 Passive voice
- 4.2 Anticausative alternation
- 5. Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- References
- 17. Non-verbal predication and clitics in Aromanian
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Socio-linguistic background and methodology
- 3. The phenomenon and its distribution
- 3.1 The general picture
- 3.2 Environments in which the IA-clitic is found
- 3.3 Further restrictions: The DP subject is a topic
- 4. The analysis
- 4.1 The structural properties of IA-clitics
- 4.2 Implications
- 5. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Language index
- Subject index
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