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Title Language contact, continuity and change in the genesis of modern Hebrew
Creators Doron Edit. ; Hovav Malka Rappaport. ; Reshef Yael. ; Taube Moshe.
Collection Электронные книги зарубежных издательств ; Общая коллекция
Subjects Hebrew language — Spoken Hebrew. ; Hebrew language — Syntax. ; Languages in contact ; Hebrew language ; Hebrew language — Foreign elements. ; Sociolinguistics ; Hebrew language — Revival. ; Hebrew language. ; Languages in contact. ; Sociolinguistics. ; EBSCO eBooks
Document type Other
File type PDF
Language English
Rights Доступ по паролю из сети Интернет (чтение, печать, копирование)
Record key on1091292012
Record create date 3/29/2019

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  • Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew
  • Editorial page
  • Title page
  • Copyright page
  • Dedication page
  • Table of contents
  • Acknowledgment and preface
  • Introduction
    • 1.1 Hebrew and the question of language continuity
    • 1.2 A framework for analyzing language transmission
    • 1.3 The history of Hebrew
    • 1.4 Previous approaches to the emergence of Modern Hebrew
    • 1.5 (Dis)continuity in Hebrew
      • 1.5.1 Hebrew throughout the ages
      • 1.5.2 Emergent Modern Hebrew of the first generation of speakers
      • 1.5.3 Hebrew of the first generation of native Modern Hebrew speakers
    • 1.6 Conclusion
    • 1.7 Summary of papers in the volume
      • 1.7.1 Contact, continuity and change in the emergence of Modern Hebrew
        • 1.7.1.1 Syntactic evolution in the history of Hebrew
        • 1.7.1.2 The foundations of Modern Hebrew on previous stages of Hebrew
      • 1.7.2 General issues of contact, continuity and change
    • References
  • The limits of multiple-source contact influence: The case of ecel ‘at’ in Modern Hebrew
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Some sociolinguistic background
    • 3. The existential construction with the preposition ecel in Emerging Modern Hebrew
    • 3. The existential construction with the preposition ecel in Emerging Modern Hebrew
    • 4. On the early history of existential constructions with ecel and le-
      • 4.1 Constructions with lə- in the Bible
      • 4.2 Constructions with ʔēṣɛl in the Bible
      • 4.3 Constructions with le- and ʔeṣel in Post-Biblical Hebrew
      • 4.4 Existential constructions with le- and ʔeṣel in Medieval Hebrew
    • 5. The distribution of existential constructions with ecel vs. le- in Modern Hebrew
    • 5. The distribution of existential constructions with ecel vs. le- in Modern Hebrew
      • 5.1 Locative reading
      • 5.2 Disposal and possessive reading
      • 5.3 Pertentive reading
        • 5.3.1 In spoken and sub-standard written registers
        • 5.3.2 Topics
    • 6. The preposition ecel with other constructions
      • 6.1 With pertentive function
      • 6.2 With evaluative function
    • 7. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgment
    • References
  • Existential possessive modality in the emergence of Modern Hebrew
    • 1. Introduction
      • Crosslinguistic generalizations and background on modality
      • The exceptionality of Hebrew
      • Continuity and change
      • Outline of the discussion
    • 2. Existential possessive modality in EMH: A construction in flux
      • 2.1 Research questions
      • 2.2 Procedure
      • 2.3 Corpus findings
        • 2.3.1 Frequencies of the constructions
        • 2.3.2 Modal force
        • 2.3.3 Modality type
    • 3. Continuity and forces of change
      • 3.1 Existential possessive modality in classical Hebrew
      • 3.2 The role of contact
      • 3.3 The exceptionality of modern Hebrew
    • 4. Theoretical implications
      • 4.1 Theoretical implications: Meaning
      • 4.2 Theoretical implications: Form
    • 5. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgments
    • References
  • The derivation of a concessive from an aspectual adverb by reanalysis in Modern Hebrew
    • Introduction
    • 1. Inherited aspectual ʕadayin
    • 2. The semantics of aspectual still
    • 3. The development of concessive ʕadayin
    • 4. The semantics of concessive ʕadayin
    • 5. The development: Grammaticalization
    • 6. Grammaticalization by reanalysis
      • 6.1 Pre-stage
      • 6.2 The turning point
      • 6.3 The post stage
    • 7. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgment
    • References
  • Why did the future form of the verb displace the imperative form in the informal register of Modern Hebrew?
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The relevant morphological forms of the verbal system
    • 3. The distribution of the forms in Modern Hebrew
      • 3.1 Examples of the phenomenon
      • 3.2 Phonetic realizations
      • 3.3 The distribution in MH is not pragmatically determined
    • 4. The distribution of the forms in other stages of Hebrew
      • 4.1 Biblical Hebrew
      • 4.2 The Judean desert documents, Mishnaic Hebrew and language of the Jewish prayer
      • 4.2 The Judean desert documents, Mishnaic Hebrew and language of the Jewish prayer
      • 4.3 The Hebrew of the intermediate era
      • 4.4 Wills and ethical writings of the 18th and 19th centuries
      • 4.5 Insubordination and language contact
    • 5. Proposed mechanisms underlying the shift
      • 5.1 Simplification of the system
      • 5.2 Insubordination of subordinate forms
      • 5.3 Regularity and contrast
    • 6. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgments
    • References
      • Primary sources
      • Studies
  • The change in Hebrew from a V-framed to an S-framed language
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Complex motion event descriptions – A typology
    • 3. Factors contributing to V- and S-framedness
      • 3.1 Lexical factors
      • 3.2 Compositional factors
    • 4. Biblical Hebrew
      • 4.1 Lexical factors
      • 4.2 Compositional factors
    • 5. Modern Hebrew
      • 5.1 Lexical factors
      • 5.2 Compositional factors
    • 6. Further S-framed properties in MH
    • 7. Historical development
    • 8. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgments
    • References
  • From written to spoken usage: The contribution of pre-revival linguistic habits to the formation of the colloquial register of Modern Hebrew
    • 1. Theoretical background
    • 2. The scope of the study
    • 3. Grammatical agreement
      • 3.1 Existential and possessive constructions
      • 3.2 Unaccusative verbs
      • 3.3 Numerals
      • 3.4 Non-specificity determiner
    • 4. Definiteness
      • 4.1 The definite construct chain
      • 4.2 Numerals
      • 4.3 Noun + adjective
    • 5. Morphology
      • 5.1 Future tense instead of the imperative
      • 5.2 Conjugation of prepositions
      • 5.3 Morphological alternations
    • 6. Function words
      • 6.1 Word order in adjective grading
      • 6.2 Specific lexical items
    • 7. Summary
    • References
  • Language change, prescriptive language, and spontaneous speech in Modern Hebrew: A corpus-based study of early recordings
    • 1. Theoretical background
      • 1.1 The consolidation of Modern Hebrew grammar
      • 1.2 Types of language change in present-day Hebrew
      • 1.3 The corpus
    • 2. Phenomena reflecting dynamic language change
      • 2.1 The use of the noun erec ‘land’ and derived adjectives
        • 2.1.1 The attributive arc-israʔel-i (land-Israel-adj ‘of the land of Israel’)
        • 2.1.2 xuc-l-a-ʔarc-i (outside-of-the-land-adj ‘from abroad’)
      • 2.2 The noun strategya (‘strategy’)
      • 2.3 The nominal pattern miCCaCa/maCCeCa
        • 2.3.1 The noun midraxa/madrexa (‘sidewalk’)
        • 2.3.2 The noun maħleqa/maħlaqa (‘department’)
        • 2.3.3 The noun miflaga (‘political party’)
    • 3. Phenomena reflecting linguistic disparity
      • 3.1 Pronunciation of the function clitics
      • 3.2 The noun namel/namal (‘harbor’)
    • 4. Mixed coexistence: Aspects of disparity and dynamic change combined
    • 5. Conclusion
    • References
  • The Biblical sources of Modern Hebrew syntax
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The two previous spoken stages of Hebrew
    • 3. The syntax of the Modern Hebrew clause
      • 3.1 Clausal subordination
      • 3.2 Clausal word order
      • 3.3 The syntax of conditional clauses
      • 3.4 The syntax of unconditional clauses
      • 3.5 Clausal complements of aspectual and modal auxiliaries
      • 3.6 The gerund clause
        • 3.6.1 The infinitive and the gerund in MH
        • 3.6.2 The gerund in BH
        • 3.6.3 The infinitive in RH
        • 3.6.4 Back to the MH gerund
    • 4. The contribution of the syntax of RH
    • 5. Conclusion
    • 6. Appendix – The BH syntax of sub-clausal MH constructions
      • 6.1 The progressive
      • 6.2 Habituality
      • 6.3 Negation
      • 6.4 Null subjects
      • 6.5 The pronominal copula in predicate-nominal clauses
      • 6.6 The pronominal copula in verbal clauses
      • 6.7 Pronominal doubling of verbal inflection
      • 6.8 Clitic doubling of verbal arguments
      • 6.9 Interrogative determiners
      • 6.10 Accusative case assignment by deverbal nouns
      • 6.11 The demonstrative pronoun as marker of the perfect time span
    • References
  • Can there be language continuity in language contact?
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Case study #1: Judezmo
    • 3. Case study #2: Judeo-Greek of Ottoman Constantinople
    • 4. Case study #3: Greek diglossia
    • 5. Concluding remarks
    • References
  • Our creolized tongues
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Everyone speaks a creolized language
    • 3. Language acquisition and creolization: Linguistic hybridism
    • 4. Recombination of syntactic features
    • 5. Capturing variation and constrains on variation during recombination
    • 6. Recombination within CP: The case of Saramaccan
    • 7. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgement
    • References
  • Why do children lead contact-induced language change in some contexts but not others?
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. When children lead contact-induced language change
    • 3. The role of children in the emergence of Light Warlpiri
    • 4. Factors that allow the emergence of a new way of speaking
    • Abbreviations
    • References
  • Variation and conventionalization in language emergence: The case of two young sign language of Israel
    • 1. Introduction: Conventionalization and variation in language
    • 2. ABSL and ISL: Two types of sign language
    • 3. The lexicon: Basic vocabulary
    • 4. The lexicon: Compounding
      • 4.1 Lexical variation in compounds
      • 4.2 Increased structural regularity in compounds
      • 4.3 Variation and conventionalization in ABSL compounds
    • 5. Phonology: Sublexical variation
      • 5.1 A comparative study of sublexical variation in three sign languages
      • 5.2 Sublexical variation and characteristics of the community
    • 6. Signaling community identity: A signature accent in ABSL
    • 7. Discussion and conclusions: From variation towards conventionalization
      • 7.1 Variation at the initial stages of a language
      • 7.2 Later stages: Pressure for conventionalization
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • “Mame loshen”: The role of gender-biased language contact in the syntactic development of Yiddish
    • 1. Introduction: The problem
    • 2. Two types of transfer in contact situations
    • 3. Were the local Slavs, Knaanic Jews, and/or descendants of Khazars the “shifters”?
    • 4. Slavic converts to Judaism as the “shifters”
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgment
    • References
  • Index
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